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In the bustling hallways of Connecticut’s public schools, a demographic shift is undeniable. Latinx students now comprise 32.1% of the student population, a number that continues to rise.

Yet, the picture changes drastically within district central offices. In 2025, only five of the state’s 169 superintendents identify as Latinx, representing a mere 2.9% of the leadership force (EdSight, 2025).

This glaring disparity represents a crisis of representation with profound implications for the educational pipeline. Research attributes approximately 25% of student outcomes to leadership influences (Pitts, 2007; Siccone, 2012).

To close persistent achievement gaps, the field must understand the journey of the few who have successfully navigated the path to the top. A recent phenomenological study examined the experiences of nine Latinx superintendents in Connecticut to uncover how they ascended, what inhibited them, and how they persisted (Velazquez, 2026).

The motivation: Collective liberation

For the leaders in this study, the motivation to pursue the superintendency—a role fraught with high turnover and political pressure—was rarely about prestige or salary. Instead, it was driven by a concept best described as “collective liberation.”

Leaders viewed their ascent as a strategic necessity to leverage power on behalf of their communities. As one participant noted, she pursued the role to ensure traditionally marginalized children received opportunities they were systematically denied, aiming to “make those wrongs into rights” (Velazquez, 2026).

This drive aligns with Latino Critical Theory (LatCrit), where a commitment to social justice is paramount (Solórzano & Delgado Bernal, 2001). Motivated by the “trauma of injustice”—memories of personal marginalization—these leaders view their work as an act of advocacy aimed at dismantling the very barriers they once faced.

Inhibitors: Navigating the systemic gauntlet

Ascending to the superintendency is difficult for anyone, but Latinx leaders face unique “systemic inhibitors,” including a lack of established networks, impostor syndrome, and overt discrimination.

Unlike their white peers, Latinx aspirants often lack access to established power networks and mentors who understand their cultural context. One participant described the superintendency in Connecticut as a “suicide track for people of color,” citing a hostile political climate (Velazquez, 2026).

Furthermore, despite holding doctorates and extensive experience, many participants reported battling deep-seated “impostor syndrome,” hesitating to apply for promotions until pushed by mentors.

Discrimination remains a potent gatekeeper. Participants recounted that search committees stated they “weren’t looking for a Latinx leader” or questioned their accents. These experiences highlight that professional competence for Latinx leaders is often scrutinized through a racial bias lens (Durán, 2014; Tallerico, 2000).

Persistence strategies: Social justice mandate

Once in the role, Latinx superintendents survive by employing a “social justice mandate” through skilled communication, productive collaboration and relationship cultivation.
Successful superintendents mastered the art of storytelling to “educate” their communities.

Rather than simply presenting budgets, they framed funding needs—such as social-emotional learning—as survival necessities for students. Persistence also required building “interwoven” coalitions. By engaging clergy, parents, and students in co-designing plans, leaders ensured that initiatives belonged to the community, mirroring “applied critical leadership,” in which power is redistributed (Santamaría & Santamaría, 2012).

Perhaps most critical was the relationship with the board of education. Leaders who persisted successfully aligned their social justice vision with the board’s goals, though high Board turnover often threatened to erode support for equity work.

Secret sauce: Identity-driven leadership

A profound finding of the study was that every participant viewed their Latinx identity not as a deficit, but as their greatest leadership asset. Their leadership was “identity-driven and culturally grounded,” relying on familia (family) values and “sentido de comunidad “(sense of community).

Leaders described treating students with the “unconditional love” and high expectations they received from their own families (del Monte, 2022). Their ability to code-switch was viewed as a bridge to build trust with historically excluded families.

Recommendations for the field

To change the face of educational leadership, the system must move from passive concern to active work. Based on these leaders’ experiences, four recommendations emerge:

1. Build a network of support: Intentional collaboration and “sponsorship” are vital. Established leaders must actively champion up-and-coming talent through organizations like the Connecticut Association of Latino 91��Ƭistrators and Superintendents.
2. Legislative action for language: Leaders should advocate for legislative changes supporting dual language programs. This validates linguistic assets and creates a pipeline of bilingual educators.
3. Critical consciousness in hiring: Boards and search firms must undergo training to recognize implicit bias, moving beyond “interpersonal chemistry” to value the “cultural wealth” Latinx leaders bring (Yosso, 2005).
4. Data transparency: State departments should create public dashboards highlighting Latinx representation to drive accountability.

The journey to the superintendency for Latinx leaders is fraught with systemic hurdles, but it offers the promise of transformative change. By listening to these stories, we can build a system that thrives on diverse leadership.

References

• Castillo, I., Menchaca, V. D., & López-Estrada, V. (2021). Latina female superintendents securing positions in small rural school districts. AASA Journal of Scholarship & Practice, 17(4), 7–23.
• del Monte, I. J. (2022). Understanding New York State Latino superintendents through testimonios [Doctoral dissertation, Fordham University]. ProQuest Dissertations.
• Durán, F. (2014). The story of four beginning superintendents [Doctoral dissertation, Teachers College, Columbia University]. ProQuest Dissertations.
• EdSight. (2025). EdSight: insight into education. Connecticut State Department of Education. http://EdSight.ct.gov/SASPortal/main.do
• Pitts, D. W. (2007). Representative bureaucracy, ethnicity, and public schools: Examining the link between representation and performance. 91��Ƭistration & Society, 39(4), 497–526.
• Santamaría, L. J., & Santamaría, A. P. (2012). Applied critical leadership in education. Routledge.
• Siccone, F. (2012). The essentials for effective school leadership. Pearson.
  Solórzano, D. G., & Delgado Bernal, D. (2001). Examining transformational resistance through a critical race and LatCrit theory framework: Chicana and Chicano students in an urban context. Urban Education, 36(3), 308–342.
• Tallerico, M. (2000). Gaining access to the superintendency: Headhunting, gender, and color. Educational 91��Ƭistration Quarterly, 36, 18–43.
• Velazquez, I. (2026). The Journey to Superintendent: Experiences of Latinx Leaders in Connecticut [Doctoral dissertation, Teachers College, Columbia University]. ProQuest Dissertations.
• Yosso, T. J. (2005). Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race, Ethnicity, and Education, 8(1), 69–91.